Swing Districts Favored Over Minority areas

By: Beth Musgrave and Jennifer WhitsonEvery time it rains, the staff at the Calumet Park Library on West 127th Street drag out plastic covers, wastebaskets and buckets to protect the 15,000 to 20,000 books in the storefront library.

Although the collection has suffered more than $5,000 in damages in the past 10 years, the library has been able to get state money to replace the carpet-but not the roof.

Less than 10 miles away in southwest suburban Palos Hills, seven city parks enjoy shiny new jungle gyms, swings and sandlots-all paid for with $123,900 from Illinois FIRST, the Fund for Infrastructure, Roads, Schools and Transportation, a five-year, $12 billion public works program.

Since 1999, politics, rather than need, has been the rule as Gov. George H. Ryan and state lawmakers, without debate or public scrutiny, doled out $789 million from a pool of Illinois FIRST money, The Chicago Reporter has found.

The Reporter obtained a database from the governor's office under the Illinois Freedom of Information Act and analyzed 6,685 grants made by Ryan and the four top leaders in the Illinois General Assembly-Senate President James "Pate" Philip, Senate Minority Leader Emil Jones Jr., Speaker of the House Michael Madigan and House Republican Leader Lee Daniels.

All of the money but Ryan's portion is termed "member initiative" funds and is controlled by the legislative leaders. The money is distributed to other legislators for public works projects in their districts. Ryan, meanwhile, sponsored projects of his own choosing across the state.

State Rep. Anne Zickus, a Republican who represents Palos Hills, received more than $7 million in Illinois FIRST member initiative grants for projects in her district, including the money for the playgrounds.

South suburban Calumet Park lies in the state's 29th Representative District, which received less than $300,000 over the last two years. State Rep. David E. Miller, a freshman lawmaker who began representing the district in January, said he has tried to get another $50,000 in Illinois FIRST funds for the library roof but so far has failed.

Miller is a Democrat in a district that is 78 percent black and safely Democratic. Zickus' district is 85 percent white and is a battleground in the fight for control of the Illinois House of Representatives.

Miller is well aware of the spending gap. "There are severe parity issues," he said. "It's one thing to try to control the House-and this really is a bipartisan pattern-but it eventually affects the constituents, and the neediest districts suffer."

The winners of these Illinois FIRST funds were areas like the southwest suburbs and north suburban Lake County-political hot spots where neither Democrats nor Republicans have a firm footing. The losers were districts in Chicago and the south suburbs, especially those with large minority populations, and in rural parts of central and southern Illinois, where one party has a clear edge.

"These decisions are definitely not need-driven," said Democratic state Rep. Thomas J. Dart, who represents parts of the South Side and south suburbs. Democratic leaders "want this money to go predominantly to the folks in the swing districts-to get voters to re-elect Democrats. But swing districts are in more affluent areas."

The Reporter found:

• Ryan and the state's four legislative leaders collectively spent nearly one-third of the money, or $247 million, on projects they sponsored throughout the state.

• Democrats and Republicans are using the money to bolster legislators in politically vulnerable districts. Most of the top money netters in each party either won close races in their last two elections or hold top leadership positions.

• Excluding the party leaders, legislators from predominantly white districts received an average of nearly $1 million more than lawmakers from black districts. Legislators from Latino districts got the least, $1.2 million less than their white colleagues.

• The party leaders make final decisions on how to spend the member initiative money without public oversight.

Dennis Culloton, press secretary for Ryan, said each legislative leader gave Ryan his final list of Illinois FIRST member initiatives. Ryan reviewed the list to make sure it included only public works projects, rejecting some that didn't fit. But, Culloton said, the governor wasn't involved in deciding how the legislative leaders distributed their funds.

And legislative leaders disagreed about whether the money was used politically.

Steve Brown, press secretary for Madigan, a Southwest Side Democrat, said Illinois FIRST money was distributed throughout the state based on need and requests from legislators. "I'm not aware of requests that individual legislators-be they white, Hispanic or African American-have made that got ignored," he said. "I would say that those in targeted districts do benefit more," said Gregg Durham, a spokesman for Daniels, who's from west suburban Elmhurst. "A lot of times, though, people who have targeted races are also more active in trying to get more things for their districts."

Culloton said Ryan believes that Illinois FIRST has been a successful program. "Illinois FIRST has worked because local governments have been able to bring their concerns to the state government," he said.

But groups ranging from conservative Republicans to government watchdog groups bristle at the mention of Illinois FIRST, and especially the member-initiative portion. "Illinois FIRST?" said Jim Tobin, president of National Taxpayers United of Illinois, a watchdog group. "Clearly most of it is unnecessary and unwanted. Very few of these projects would be funded if it was a private capital project."

Cindi Canary, director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform, a Chicago-based organization that fights the influence of money in state politics, said her biggest complaint about Illinois FIRST funding is that it is impossible to track.

"Where are we spending this money and how are we deciding where the money is going to be spent?" Canary said. "I think a lot of the projects that were funded were probably needed, but my gut tells me some of this is political baseball."

Future Funds
Ryan launched Illinois FIRST after a state task force found that most of Illinois' bridges, roads and school buildings needed to be repaired or rebuilt.

Using bonds and revenues generated from increases in license, alcohol and other fees, Ryan proposed-and the General Assembly passed-the massive public works program in May 1999.

The bulk of Illinois FIRST money went to the state departments of transportation and education and the Regional Transportation Authority to support capital projects. Major projects are subject to a thorough cost analysis and public hearings. The funds for all projects are included in the state budget but are not specifically identified as part of Illinois FIRST, according to budget officials.

Money from Illinois FIRST has built or repaired more than 2,800 miles of roads, including ongoing work on Chicago's Wacker Drive and the west suburban Hillside Strangler, where three interstates meet and cause traffic jams. Almost $2 billion has been spent on school projects.

But Ryan and the legislative leaders reserved a pot of money to spend on their own projects and those suggested by other key legislators.

"The thought was that the members knew what was going on in their own districts and would therefore be able to use that money where they thought it would be best," said Patty Schuh, spokeswoman for Philip, of west suburban Wood Dale.

The bulk of the member initiative funds went to government agencies-cities, townships, villages and libraries-to purchase new fire trucks and radio equipment, expand sewer services, upgrade park facilities and support other projects.

The member initiative was a good way to ensure Illinois FIRST money was spent where legislators wanted it, said James Nowlan, a senior fellow at the University of Illinois Institute of Government and Public Affairs.

In general, "member initiatives represent a systematic way to spread pork around to all of the legislators," said Nowlan. Rank-and-file lawmakers who receive funding for projects can "feel good about themselves back in the district."

But, he added, with the Illinois FIRST money, "the question is whether member initiatives have taken the concept of special projects for individual legislators to an obscene level."

The Reporter requested a list of all the Illinois FIRST member initiative projects for fiscal years 2000 and 2001. The governor's office provided a database of grants that Ryan and lawmakers characterized as Illinois FIRST projects, but are technically drawn from several public works programs, all under the member initiative umbrella.

Ryan's name was attached to projects worth a total of roughly $141 million. The rest went to the four caucuses-the Senate Republicans, Senate Democrats, House Republicans and House Democrats-where party leaders decided who got the money through an informal process with no external oversight.

The caucuses doled out $648 million in member-initiative projects. The biggest chunks went to the House Republicans, who got $238 million, and the Senate Democrats, $146 million.

Member initiative funds are not debated or voted on individually in the General Assembly, said Durham. Members submit requests to party leaders, who approve each project. The expenditures don't appear in state budgets until the year after the money is spent.

But these decisions depended on more than legislator requests, lawmakers said. Politics got Illinois FIRST passed, and politics decided which districts received the most funds.

Jacqueline Leavy, executive director of the Neighborhood Capital Budget Group, a Chicago-based non-profit that monitors public investment, said Illinois FIRST was passed too quickly in 1999, leaving inadequate time for legislators to put together a sound capital development plan. The General Assembly approved the program 17 days after it was introduced.

"Because our state politics are so mired in deal-making and so removed from the public, there are partisan concerns," Leavy said. "There is a very unclear paper trail and very little public debate about strategically how we are using this money."

Bottom Feeders
Some lawmakers from minority districts said they had no idea how much member initiative money other districts were getting. Others said Madigan told them sacrifices had to be made to keep control of the Illinois House, where Democrats have a 62-56 advantage. Still, lawmakers were surprised to find extreme spending inequities.

"We are the most loyal members of the Democratic Party and yet when we divide up the spoils we get ignored," said state Rep. Arthur L. Turner, whose West Side district is 77 percent black. "It's just the way African Americans are treated traditionally."

Turner received $2.8 million from Illinois FIRST, the most of any House member from a predominantly black or Latino district, and just better than the overall House average of $2.7 million, excluding the leaders.

On average, Republican representatives received $3.7 million in grants and Democrats got $1.8 million. But representatives from majority black districts got $1.3 million in grants while representatives from majority Latino districts received an average of $1.2 million.

Grant totals ranged from the $7 million each for Republican Zickus and Democrat Gary Hannig, of Benld in southwestern Illinois, to $279,000 in Miller's South Side and south suburban district.

Dart said that he and the rest of the Democrats in Chicago's "safe" districts call themselves "bottom feeders." "We've all been the same and we all complain," said Dart, whose district is 66 percent African American. He added that politically targeting districts often works to the disadvantage of minority constituents.

Representatives from predominantly minority districts received less money than other lawmakers because their constituents almost always vote Democratic and the seats are considered safe, said Charles Wheeler, a longtime observer of the Illinois General Assembly and the director of the Public Affairs Reporting program at the University of Illinois at Springfield.

Dart said it was "widely known" that safe districts received less funding.

"What we've been told is the entire theory and rationale for the breakdown in funding for Democrats is that the funding would go to volatile districts that could go Republican," Dart said. "The formula seems to be based on whether you're a target or not a target, on almost a sliding scale."

Turner said Madigan told him the same thing. "The speaker mentioned some cases where the party had targeted races, and said 'You understand that I have to spend more money in that district because your colleague is a target. We've got to do that because of the nature of his district and to hold on to the [House].'"

Steve Brown, Madigan's press secretary, said, "Money was spent all over the state with no particular regard to the politics of it."

Democratic state Rep. Edward Acevedo, whose Southwest Side district is 84 percent Latino, received $1 million for his constituents. He hopes that Latino legislators will have more political leverage in the future. "I have a good relationship with Madigan," Acevedo said. "He understands the needs of the Hispanic community and that the community will continue to grow. If we are being shortchanged, I know the speaker is more than willing to sit down and listen to us."

John Paul Jones, director of community outreach for the Neighborhood Capital Budget Group, said the state shortchanges needy Chicago neighborhoods.

For example, "Sen. (Robert S.) Molaro's district on the Southwest Side has a lot of infrastructure needs … and gets very little attention," Jones said. "The state really isn't involved in seeing how they can be helpful."

Molaro received $1.4 million from Illinois FIRST, the second lowest total among Democratic senators. Molaro won re-election in 2000 with 94 percent of the vote.

But in the Senate, where Emil Jones, an African American Democrat, is minority leader and other black members hold key positions, predominantly African American districts received more money than their white counterparts.

Excluding Jones and Philip, senators averaged $4 million in grants, with Democrats receiving $4.6 million and Republicans $3.5 million. Senators from districts that are at least 50 percent African American received an average of $5.2 million.

The funds that went to black senatorial districts increased the spending in some minority neighborhoods. Each Illinois Senate district includes two House districts. For example, state Sen. William Shaw, a South Side and south suburban Democrat, received more than $9 million, and spent some of that money on projects in Miller's district.

Shaw said he earned the funds working long hours as the Senate's deputy minority caucus whip. "You can call it a fringe benefit for doing all of the work," he said.

State Sen. Donne E. Trotter is the Democratic leader on the Senate Appropriation Committee and is the chairman of the Illinois Legislative Black Caucus. Trotter, a South Side Democrat, said African American Senate leaders are especially vigilant about making sure money is distributed equally. The black Senate leaders "make sure it's fair how these [projects] are distributed," said Trotter. "It's important to keep communities vital."

Sen. Miguel del Valle's district on Chicago's Northwest Side received $4.3 million in Illinois FIRST funds-the most among the state's six predominantly Latino districts. Del Valle, the Senate's assistant minority leader, said that he received more money because he holds a leadership position and is a member of the Senate Appropriations Committee.

But, he added, "there may be a member who has a tough election coming up, and so that member may get more money than I have, because the resources will be dedicated to help that member in that district."

Close Races
The Reporter's analysis of the projects shows money went to those in power and to the districts party leaders deemed as politically important.

Ryan and the legislative leaders took home the most over the past two years. After Ryan's $141 million in grants came Daniels, who received $34 million. Madigan received about $17 million. In the Senate, Philip got $28 million and Jones $27 million.
After the party leaders, the legislators who received the most money for member initiative projects were those who have won tough elections. For example, Democratic state Sen. Terry Link, of Vernon Hills in Lake County, received $12 million-almost nine times as much as the South Side's Molaro.

Link won 55 percent of the vote in 2000, but in 1996 he beat his opponent by 1.3 percent, or 832 votes out of 61,434. Among the big Republican winners in the Senate were Patrick J. O'Malley of Southwest suburban Palos Park and N. Duane Noland of Blue Mound, in central Illinois. O'Malley is now a candidate for governor and Noland's seat is newly Republican.

But Senate Republicans deny they are playing favorites or bolstering candidates in tough campaigns. "If you look at (Noland and O'Malley) they are very in tune with their districts' needs," said Schuh, Philip's spokeswoman.

Jones, whose district covers parts of Chicago's South Side, said in a written statement to the Reporter that "the Senate Democratic Caucus adamantly denies any connection between the amount of Illinois FIRST grants distributed to a particular senator and whether that senator is or was involved in a 'hotly contested race.'"

Wheeler of the University of Illinois said political considerations trump diligence. "Everybody gets something," Wheeler said. "The people that are in the more precarious positions will get more. … What's different about this is the sheer volume in terms of the amount of money spent and the fact that it was done in bulk … where it wasn't voted on individually."

After Daniels and Madigan, state Rep. Zickus, the Palos Hills Republican, received the most Illinois FIRST money in the House. She said she fought hard to bring the funds to her district. "For fiscal year 2002, I had some $35 million worth of requests" for member-initiative funds, Zickus said.

Wheeler noted that Lake County and Zickus' district are politically volatile areas. "The south suburbs and southwest suburbs have been battlegrounds," he said. But the inner suburban ring, with its large black population, has played a big part in helping the Democrats control the House, he added.

Republican state Rep. William A. O'Connor, of west suburban Berwyn, ranked third behind Zickus. In 2000, he won 54 percent of the vote. The fourth highest recipient, state Rep. Richard Winkel, a Champaign Republican, won with 56 percent.

Among House Democrats, the largest chunks went to Hannig of downstate Benld and Susan Garrett of north suburban Lake Bluff. Garrett, who received $4.7 million, won a seat in 2000 that had been Republican, and Hannig is an assistant majority leader to Madigan.

Brown, Madigan's spokesman, said Garrett and Hannig come from districts with many needs. And the fact that Garrett and Hannig received more grant money than other House Democrats doesn't prove the funding decisions are politically motivated, Brown added.

Garrett said she pressured the caucus to spend more in her district. "These communities have been left out of the mix for many years and the state needs to do a better job" of getting money to them, Garrett said.

Link, whose Senate district includes Garrett's, said he didn't know how the leaders decided to allocate the funds. Link received more money than any Democratic senator except Jones. "I've fought very hard for all of these projects," he added.

Jones, of the Neighborhood Capital Budget Group, said Illinois FIRST was the state's chance to infuse local communities with capital. But because of a lack of planning on how to best spend the money, communities received funding for small projects that may have little overall impact in meeting their real needs.

"There are some areas of the city that are dying for economic development," Jones said. "But none of that really happened. It seems like a lot of money just went to institutional partners or municipalities."

Beth Musgrave and Jennifer Whitson wrote this story as graduate students in the Medill School of Journalism at Northwestern University. Contributing: Pamela A. Lewis and Cyril Mychalejko. Micah Holmquist helped research this article.