Outside Dollars Drive Campaigns in 1st District Race
By: Alysia TateDonations from Washington, D.C., and Chicago’s white neighborhoods are fueling two campaigns in the predominantly black 1st Congressional District, an analysis by The Chicago Reporter shows.
U.S. Rep. Bobby L. Rush (D-Chicago) is using thousands of dollars from Washington, D.C., political action committees to fund his re-election bid in the March 21 Democratic Primary. And state Sen. Barack Obama of Hyde Park raised significant sums in some of Chicago’s white neighborhoods, according to the Reporter’s analysis of campaign contributions from the second half of 1999.
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Chicago Cash
While the 1st Congressional District is predominantly black, candidates in its Democratic primary relied on contributions from white and mixed-race areas in Chicago.
Notes: Based on itemized monetary contributions in Chicago of at least $200 between July 1 and Dec. 31, 1999, with ZIP codes provided. White ZIP codes had populations that were at least 70 percent white in 1990, according to the U.S. Census, and black ZIP codes had populations at least 70 percent black. Candidate George C. Roby did not receive any contributions in the period analyzed. Sources: Federal Election Commission, U.S. Census; analysis by The Chicago Reporter. Graphic by Desk Top Edit Shop, Inc.
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The 1st District covers part of the South Side between 26th and 103rd streets, and includes parts of south suburban Alsip, Blue Island, Evergreen Park, Marionette Park and Oak Lawn. It is about 70 percent black, according to the 1990 U.S. Census. The winner of the primary will face Republican Raymond G. Wardingley on Nov. 7.
Rush, an African American former 2nd Ward alderman who lost a bid to unseat Chicago Mayor Richard M. Daley last year, seeks his fifth term. He faces three black challengers: Obama, a second-term state senator and civil rights attorney; third-term state Sen. Donne E. Trotter of the South Chicago neighborhood, intergovernmental liaison for the Cook County Department of Public Health; and George C. Roby, a retired Chicago police officer from the Calumet Heights neighborhood.
The fund-raising by Rush and Obama reflects national trends identified in a May 1996 Reporter analysis of congressional Democratic candidates ("PAC Reform Splits Minority Congressmen"). The article found minority candidates rely heavily on political action committees and smaller, individual donations in their districts.
Unlike Rush, Trotter and Obama raised most of their money in Chicago. Roby did not report any donations during the period, but said he expects to raise about $10,000 by Election Day.
Of the $146,545 in donations of at least $200 Obama raised in Chicago, nearly 40 percent came from city ZIP codes that were at least 70 percent white in 1990, according to the census. About 18 percent came from ZIP codes that were at least 70 percent black. About 29 percent of Rush’s Chicago contributions came from predominantly white ZIP codes, compared with 25 percent in black ZIP codes.
Rush said he didn’t think Obama’s funding sources were important. But, he added, "white money" from outside the district could be "trying to buy the influence" of a potential congressman.
Those claims are "nonsense," said Obama donor Martin J. Koldyke, chairman of WTTW Channel 11’s board of trustees. Koldyke, who lives on the Near North Side, gave Obama $1,000.
"His mission exceeds the boundaries of the 1st District," said Koldyke, who is white. "It has everything to do with his talent, and nothing to do with his race."
And Obama said some of his African American donors live in predominantly white neighborhoods, including some of the 20 blacks on his fund-raising committee. He also turned to white friends and colleagues, including law partner Judson Miner, who gave $1,000.
"There’s no way that I’m going to get the majority of my contributions of $200 or more from Englewood and Woodlawn," said Obama, referring to two 1st District neighborhoods with low-income residents. "For me to get money from progressive individuals like Judson Miner is far superior to me getting [money] from Ameritech."
Nearly 25 percent of the $192,150 Rush raised nationwide came from labor unions, politicians and political action committees in Washington, Virginia and North Carolina. For example, Team Ameritech, the telecommunications company’s PAC, gave Rush $1,500.
Rush said donations do not influence his actions, and that local committees support him through their national headquarters. He called Trotter and Obama "hypocritical" for raising the issue, when both have accepted PAC dollars in their state senate campaigns.
"My vote is not for sale and never has been for sale," Rush said. Campaign spokeswoman Maudlyne Ihejirika added that Rush accepted $1,000 from Commonwealth Edison Co.’s PAC but held hearings "calling them on the carpet" after power outages.
And John S. Maxson, treasurer of ComEd’s PAC, said the company supports Rush because he sits on the House Subcommittee on Energy and Power. "Bobby Rush is one of the most important legislators in Washington for the electric power industry," Maxson said.
Obama said the pattern of donations shows he has broader support in and around the district than Rush. Nearly 68 percent of Obama’s nationwide contributions came from Chicago; 20 percent came from the suburbs. Almost 40 percent of Rush’s total contributions came from Chicago; nearly 20 percent came from the suburbs.
Though he raised far less than Obama and Rush, Trotter garnered about 77 percent of his $55,805 in contributions from Chicago.
Trotter received just one donation—$250—from outside Illinois. Noting how much his opponents have raised, Trotter said he questions where their loyalties lie. "You usually dance to the person that provides the music," he said.