Suburban Black Votes Crucial for Candidates

By: Pamela A. Lewis and Mick DumkeSince Hazel Crest Village President William A. Browne endorsed Roland Burris for governor in the March 19 Democratic primary, he hasn’t seen much of him. In fact, Browne has heard more from another candidate, Paul Vallas.

Vallas “has tried to make a foothold” in Cook County’s south suburbs, while Burris appears to be focusing on downstate, said Browne, who, like 75 percent of residents in Hazel Crest, is African American.

“I just don’t want him to take us for granted,” Browne said of Burris, the only black candidate.

None of the Democratic candidates—Burris, former Illinois attorney general; Vallas, former Chicago Public Schools chief executive officer; and U.S. Rep. Rod Blagojevich of Chicago’s Northwest Side—can take Cook County suburban voters for granted. The county’s suburban votes could account for almost a fifth of those cast, predicts Paul Green, director of Roosevelt University’s School of Policy Studies, in his January report, “The Coming 2002 Illinois Gubernatorial Primaries—An Analysis.”

And race might play a role, particularly since the black population in Cook County suburbs grew 49 percent from 1990 to 2000. African Americans are 14 percent of Cook’s 2,480,725 suburban residents, according to census data.

Delmarie Cobb, Burris’ campaign consultant, said Browne’s perceptions aren’t true. The metropolitan area, she said, matters as much as downstate to the Centralia native. “Roland is everywhere,” she said.

Backing Up
In two previous Democratic gubernatorial bids, Burris made strong showings, thanks in part to getting more than three of every four votes cast in majority-black Cook County suburbs, according to an election-returns analysis by The Chicago Reporter.

Burris won 79 percent of the votes in suburbs with African American majorities in 1994 and 75 percent in those towns in 1998, the analysis shows. He did much worse in mostly white suburbs, receiving 20 percent in 1994 and 15 percent in 1998.

And Burris did better in communities as white residents left them: He won 42 percent of the votes in 1994 and 56 percent in 1998 in 14 suburbs that shifted from majority-white in 1990 to black, Latino or racially mixed, according to 2000 census data.

Burris is backed by Chicago’s black congressmen—Bobby L. Rush, Danny K. Davis and Jesse Jackson Jr.—as well as the Rev. Jesse Jackson Sr. of the Rainbow/ PUSH Coalition, 11 of Chicago’s 19 African American aldermen and five mayors of majority-black suburbs, including Browne.
But after two unsuccessful bids for the governor’s mansion, many voters may feel that Burris can’t win, officials said.

“I’ve seen zero from Burris,” said Dwight Welch, mayor of the majority-black south suburb Country Club Hills for 16 years. Welch, who is white, said Vallas has campaigned in white ethnic suburbs such as Oak Forest and Tinley Park.

But Welch, who also chairs the South Suburban Coordinated Democratic Organization, said that right now, “the only one romancing us is Blagojevich.”

“We’re working the African American community as hard as any other candidate,” said Amanda Crumley, communications director for Blagojevich’s campaign.

When asked for Blagojevich’s key African American endorsements, she named the Illinois AFL-CIO, which has more than 200,000 black members.

Vallas has endorsements from 65 black clergy in Chicago and the suburbs, including the Rev. Willie Barrow, chair of Rainbow/PUSH, as well as south suburban mayors Irene Brodie of Robbins and Donald C. Luster of Dixmoor.

The state senate’s Democratic leader, Emil Jones Jr., an African American whose 14th District includes several south suburbs, called Vallas an “excellent” choice but has made no formal endorsement.

“If I was a big, big politician, I’d be out here beating these drums to death, because this area can turn a lot of elections,” said Nickolas E. Graves, the mayor of south suburban Harvey, who is challenging 15th District state Sen. William Shaw. Neither has endorsed anyone in the race.

Campaign Targets
The candidates all stressed they are not campaigning to any one group. Still, each admitted targeting certain parts of the state and working to win black votes.

Many African Americans remember that Blagojevich’s father-in-law, 33rd Ward Alderman Richard F. Mell, aligned himself against former Mayor Harold Washington. But “Alderman Mell is not running for governor,” Crumley said.

Blagojevich opened an office in the South Side Bronzeville neighborhood. And Phillip Jackson, former Chicago Housing Authority chief and Vallas’ one-time schools chief of staff, is heading up Blagojevich’s African American outreach.

Vallas has visited Chicago’s black churches for years, said his communications director, Brendan Reilly. Vallas also has strong ties with African Americans from his schools work.

Unlike Vallas, Burris has already proven he can win statewide office, Cobb said.

Independent political consultant Don Rose isn’t convinced that Vallas’ endorsements will mean a win. Rose managed Jane Byrne’s successful campaign for Chicago mayor, which relied on strong African American support.

“There’s never been a candidate, white, black or purple, that hasn’t been able to round up 20 black ministers,” he said.

Burris said he’s “not running on a racial platform.… I have to work the African American base just like anyone else.”

Yet, at a Feb. 9 debate at the Rainbow/ PUSH Headquarters, 930 E. 50th St. in Chicago, Burris told the crowd, “Race does matter.” But, he added, “if you all get out, get off your duffs and vote on March 19, race will not make a difference.”


Contributing: Alysia Tate. Nneka Amu, Josh Drobnyk, Jocelyn Prince, Micah Holmquist and Rupa Shenoy helped research this article.